Mary Robinson Award for Young Women's Leadership in Human Rights
If you are a young woman, under the age of 30 or know a potential candidate involved in Human Rights work - Please nominate yourself for the Mary Robinson Award for Young Women's Leadership in Human Rights.The deadline for submission of the reviewed nomination is October 31, 2010. Download the Nomination form at http://www.worldywcacouncil.org/Mary-Robinson-Award or find attached. Email the completed nomination form to maryrobinsonaward@worldywca.org The World YWCA established the Mary Robinson Award for Young Women's Leadership in Human Rights to recognise young women leaders and human rights activists. The first recipients of the award will be honoured and celebrated during the International Women's Summit in Zurich, Switzerland from July 12 - 13, 2011.The award recognises:1. A young YWCA human rights activist2. A young woman human rights activist from the broader community of partners working on human rights3. A member association that demonstrates exemplary support and promotion of young women's leadership in the field of human rights.Mary Robinson is a renowned human rights activist and a trailblazer for women's rights and leadership, was the first woman President of Ireland (1990-1997) and former United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (1997-2002). She has spent most of her life as a human rights advocate. As an academic (Trinity College Law Faculty 1968-90), legislator (Senator 1969-89) and barrister (1967-90, Senior Counsel 1980, English Bar 1973) she has always sought to use law as an instrument for social change, arguing landmark cases before the European Court of Human Rights, the Irish courts and the European Court in Luxemburg. Mary Robinson served as Chair for the Council of Women World Leaders and is presently leading Realising Rights: the Ethical Globalisation Initiative.
Tuesday, October 19, 2010
Tuesday, September 7, 2010
IRAN - ONE Million Signaturs Campaign - 4th Anniversary Analysis
http://www.1millionchange.info/english/spip.php?article751
IRAN - ONE MILLION SIGNATURES CAMPAIGN - 4th ANNIVERSARY ANALYSIS
Introduction to a series of articles published to mark our 4th anniversary*
29 August 2010
Change for Equality: Four years have passed since the start of our struggle for equality. Four years filled with major changes and upheavals for the people of Iran. A Campaign which started with the goal of changing ten laws, from numerous discriminatory laws in Iran’s legal code, is today facing both encouragement and criticism. The milieu of social, political and economic conditions along with the tensions and shock that were injected into Iranian society over the last year and following the disputed presidential elections, have posed many questions for Iranian women’s rights activists, including activists involved in the Campaign. These questions, within the social and political context of Iranian society prior to the election unrests, may have yielded another set of answers. The pressures and crackdown on civil society, the closure and constriction of public space, the increase in migration of social and women’s rights activists and other similar challenges have left the social fabric of Iranian society in a bewildered state. To reconstruct the women’s movements, and its strategies and struggles in a manner similar to what existed prior to these developments, would be as if one were were recreating previous choices in a context that had experienced significant change.
There were those who felt that the Campaign had not yet achieved its goals. They believe that the Campaign should continue with its efforts. There were others who believed that the Campaign should directly and concretely coalesce itself with the Green Movement and even accept the supremacy of the Green Movements demands over its own. Some believed that the Campaign had lost its position and status, and had to come up with a different plan for its survival. Some believed the Campaign strategies and structure were innovative and novel, while others spoke of the multiplicity of ideas, and Campaign’s inability to define a new strategy because of its confused structure and lack of defined leadership. What is the Campaign and where is it going? What are the criticism of the Campaign and what aspects of the Campaign are to be commended? How much has the legitimacy of signature collection for a petition been undermined given the new developments in Iranian society? How should the demands of the women’s movement been prioritized vis-à-vis the larger movement for democracy? These were the questions and challenges that Campaign activists faced. In order to devise an appropriate response to these questions, time and opportunity was needed. The fourth anniversary of the Campaign however has served as an excuse to tackle some of these lingering questions.
The need for efforts intent on eliminating discrimination, or in other words the struggle to prevent the creation of further discriminations, becomes more meaningful for women’s rights activists when government officials—men and women alike—intensify their pressures and pursue further discrimination in the law in the form of the Family Support Bill. This is a bill which even the staunchest of the Campaign’s critics, the most conservative groups of women, view to be anti-woman and anti-family. Introspective questioning has resulted in the illuminating of the special circumstances with which Iranian society is currently grappling. It serves as an exercise in the examination of the challenges and strengths, opportunities for praise and criticism, of equal rights movements, such as the Campaign.
The benefits to this introspective questioning and the invitation to Iranian society at large, analysts and civil society and women’s rights activists to provide their analysis of the situation of the Campaign and the women’s movement in these new and difficult times, especially at a time when women’s accomplishments, such as their high numbers in university, are under sever attack and being relentlessly undermined are many. They include the opportunity to hear new ideas, the ability to devise new strategies, the purposeful attempt at safeguarding and nurturing a constructive feminist critique of our current situation, and the ability to reconstruct social networks for the purpose of agency and for the purpose of reaction and resistance.
This time, instead of reading the critiques of the Campaign in other media, we have sought them out ourselves. But we have not limited ourselves to analysts and activists alone, we have gone to where the legitimacy of the Campaign lies, to where it aims to have the most impact—we have gone to the people on the streets and in the alleys as well. We have collected these ideas and suggestions, these critiques and are publishing them on our site then in electronic format as a collection. With the hope that equality is not a futile cause and that prison is not where equal rights activists are condemned to spend their days.
**It should be noted that for June 12, 2010, the anniversary of Day of Solidarity of Iranian women a similar volume entitled: “Again from those Same Streets” was published in Farsi on our website. This collection included essay, interviews and writings by Campaign and women’s rights activists, who examined the situation of the women’s movement in general and the Campaign in particular vis-à-vis the green movement and provided analysis on the future of the Campaign given the changed political and social climate of Iran following the protests to the disputed presidential elections in June 2009. This latest volume seeks the perspectives of those who follow the Campaign from a distance. Select articles from both volumes will be translated and made available on the English website of Change for Equality in the weeks that follow.
IRAN - ONE MILLION SIGNATURES CAMPAIGN - 4th ANNIVERSARY ANALYSIS
Introduction to a series of articles published to mark our 4th anniversary*
29 August 2010
Change for Equality: Four years have passed since the start of our struggle for equality. Four years filled with major changes and upheavals for the people of Iran. A Campaign which started with the goal of changing ten laws, from numerous discriminatory laws in Iran’s legal code, is today facing both encouragement and criticism. The milieu of social, political and economic conditions along with the tensions and shock that were injected into Iranian society over the last year and following the disputed presidential elections, have posed many questions for Iranian women’s rights activists, including activists involved in the Campaign. These questions, within the social and political context of Iranian society prior to the election unrests, may have yielded another set of answers. The pressures and crackdown on civil society, the closure and constriction of public space, the increase in migration of social and women’s rights activists and other similar challenges have left the social fabric of Iranian society in a bewildered state. To reconstruct the women’s movements, and its strategies and struggles in a manner similar to what existed prior to these developments, would be as if one were were recreating previous choices in a context that had experienced significant change.
There were those who felt that the Campaign had not yet achieved its goals. They believe that the Campaign should continue with its efforts. There were others who believed that the Campaign should directly and concretely coalesce itself with the Green Movement and even accept the supremacy of the Green Movements demands over its own. Some believed that the Campaign had lost its position and status, and had to come up with a different plan for its survival. Some believed the Campaign strategies and structure were innovative and novel, while others spoke of the multiplicity of ideas, and Campaign’s inability to define a new strategy because of its confused structure and lack of defined leadership. What is the Campaign and where is it going? What are the criticism of the Campaign and what aspects of the Campaign are to be commended? How much has the legitimacy of signature collection for a petition been undermined given the new developments in Iranian society? How should the demands of the women’s movement been prioritized vis-à-vis the larger movement for democracy? These were the questions and challenges that Campaign activists faced. In order to devise an appropriate response to these questions, time and opportunity was needed. The fourth anniversary of the Campaign however has served as an excuse to tackle some of these lingering questions.
The need for efforts intent on eliminating discrimination, or in other words the struggle to prevent the creation of further discriminations, becomes more meaningful for women’s rights activists when government officials—men and women alike—intensify their pressures and pursue further discrimination in the law in the form of the Family Support Bill. This is a bill which even the staunchest of the Campaign’s critics, the most conservative groups of women, view to be anti-woman and anti-family. Introspective questioning has resulted in the illuminating of the special circumstances with which Iranian society is currently grappling. It serves as an exercise in the examination of the challenges and strengths, opportunities for praise and criticism, of equal rights movements, such as the Campaign.
The benefits to this introspective questioning and the invitation to Iranian society at large, analysts and civil society and women’s rights activists to provide their analysis of the situation of the Campaign and the women’s movement in these new and difficult times, especially at a time when women’s accomplishments, such as their high numbers in university, are under sever attack and being relentlessly undermined are many. They include the opportunity to hear new ideas, the ability to devise new strategies, the purposeful attempt at safeguarding and nurturing a constructive feminist critique of our current situation, and the ability to reconstruct social networks for the purpose of agency and for the purpose of reaction and resistance.
This time, instead of reading the critiques of the Campaign in other media, we have sought them out ourselves. But we have not limited ourselves to analysts and activists alone, we have gone to where the legitimacy of the Campaign lies, to where it aims to have the most impact—we have gone to the people on the streets and in the alleys as well. We have collected these ideas and suggestions, these critiques and are publishing them on our site then in electronic format as a collection. With the hope that equality is not a futile cause and that prison is not where equal rights activists are condemned to spend their days.
**It should be noted that for June 12, 2010, the anniversary of Day of Solidarity of Iranian women a similar volume entitled: “Again from those Same Streets” was published in Farsi on our website. This collection included essay, interviews and writings by Campaign and women’s rights activists, who examined the situation of the women’s movement in general and the Campaign in particular vis-à-vis the green movement and provided analysis on the future of the Campaign given the changed political and social climate of Iran following the protests to the disputed presidential elections in June 2009. This latest volume seeks the perspectives of those who follow the Campaign from a distance. Select articles from both volumes will be translated and made available on the English website of Change for Equality in the weeks that follow.
Violence Against Women Is No Rationale For Military Violence
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kavita-n-ramdas/violence-against-women-is_b_672387.html
Kavita N. Ramdas
President and CEO, Global Fund for Women, Human Rights Advocate, Mom
August 5, 2010
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IS NO RATIONALE FOR MILITARY VIOLENCE
The picture tears into you. Her eyes are haunting and courageous, her face brutally butchered. This is the face of an Afghan girl named Aisha who was attacked by her family that was supported by the local Taliban commander, according to the August 8th TIME magazine.
I wish that I could say such pictures are shocking or unfamiliar, that I have never seen such violence inflicted on a human being. As someone who has spent 14 years leading a grant-making foundation that advances women's rights, however, I cannot say that.
I have met with women with faces like Aisha's in Bangladesh, where lovers or jealous husbands have thrown acid on their faces to scar them for life. I have spoken with women missing limbs because pimps mutilated them in Cambodia. I have heard from Bosnian women whose vaginas have been shredded by soldiers who inserted pointed objects and guns into them. I know women in India whose faces and bodies are a mass of burned flesh because they did not bring enough dowry. And, you don't have to leave the United States to see such brutality. Last November I met a woman from Tennessee whose ex-husband beat her with an iron rod within an inch of her life -- her jaw is shattered, her nose is broken, her left eye does not see.
I have seen their suffering and am inspired by their resilience. I am awed by their determined use of non-violent strategies as they struggle to ensure a different future for us all. I hope someday to see their smiling faces and their triumphs on a TIME cover...
The TIME article suggests that the United States must maintain its military forces in Afghanistan to protect Afghan women from the Taliban. I am painfully aware of the conditions facing Afghans who live on less than $2 per day in midst of violence, yet I am unable to stomach this flimsy justification for more war, occupation, and militarization. Guns, soldiers and military presence do not increase security. To the contrary, they lead to less personal and bodily freedom for women and girls.
This is clear to the parents of the 12-year-old Okinawan girl who was raped by a navy seaman and two U.S. marines in 1995. It is clear to women survivors of rape by UN "peacekeepers." Closer to home, it is clear to the families of the three female soldiers who were murdered by their military husbands or boyfriends in Fort Bragg, North Carolina. The North Carolina Observer editorial put it squarely: "It's an old argument. We train men, and now women, to wage war, then we are baffled when they do that to each other."
Aisha's suffering is not simply related to the Taliban. There are women in countries on every continent who have been beaten, sold, raped, and mutilated in the name of honor, religion, and tradition. Aisha's noseless face should not be used as a symbol of Taliban resurgence -- instead, it is the face of modern day patriarchy, which continues to dominate social and cultural systems in most parts of the world. It is deeply woven into the fabric of societies that extol violence and patriotism.
Aisha was brutally abused in 2003. U.S. soldiers were already in Afghanistan. Their presence did not prevent her abuse. Last year, the U.S. government supported an initiative that tripled the number of soldiers in the army of the Democratic Republic of Congo to 60,000. Rapes of women tripled in the areas soldiers were deployed. There is an obvious connection between violence against women and militarization.
If the intent of TIME magazine and organizations like Women for Afghan Women was to illuminate the taboo topic of violence against women with this picture -- I am all for it. If it ignites a public debate about the silent ongoing war that patriarchy wages against girls and women in their homes, at work places, on the streets, and on army bases -- bring it on. If this cover helps us advocate for a U.S. foreign policy that places the dignity and humanity of women at its core -- I will be the first to celebrate.
If this country is serious about addressing the root causes of Aisha's disfigurement -- let it make a commitment to non-violence and respect for women a key component of its domestic and foreign policy. Let it help train armies of nurses, teachers, and agricultural workers in Afghanistan. Let it invest in diplomacy and decrease its unmatched military expenditure -- currently more than the rest of the world combined. Let it say to its client states, whether Israel, Iraq, or Saudi Arabia, "we will stop providing military aid, if we do not see clear evidence that you are moving to address gender violence and discrimination in your societies." Let the Senate immediately ratify Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) -- the UN Bill of Rights for women. Let the U.S. lead by realizing women's rights at home before it invades other nations where it can moralize about "tribal" practices.
Aisha has just arrived in the US to receive medical treatment that I hope is a success. I wish there were medical interventions that could change the mindsets of those who continue to believe violence is the only answer to violence
Kavita N. Ramdas is the President and CEO of the Global Fund for Women.
Kavita N. Ramdas
President and CEO, Global Fund for Women, Human Rights Advocate, Mom
August 5, 2010
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IS NO RATIONALE FOR MILITARY VIOLENCE
The picture tears into you. Her eyes are haunting and courageous, her face brutally butchered. This is the face of an Afghan girl named Aisha who was attacked by her family that was supported by the local Taliban commander, according to the August 8th TIME magazine.
I wish that I could say such pictures are shocking or unfamiliar, that I have never seen such violence inflicted on a human being. As someone who has spent 14 years leading a grant-making foundation that advances women's rights, however, I cannot say that.
I have met with women with faces like Aisha's in Bangladesh, where lovers or jealous husbands have thrown acid on their faces to scar them for life. I have spoken with women missing limbs because pimps mutilated them in Cambodia. I have heard from Bosnian women whose vaginas have been shredded by soldiers who inserted pointed objects and guns into them. I know women in India whose faces and bodies are a mass of burned flesh because they did not bring enough dowry. And, you don't have to leave the United States to see such brutality. Last November I met a woman from Tennessee whose ex-husband beat her with an iron rod within an inch of her life -- her jaw is shattered, her nose is broken, her left eye does not see.
I have seen their suffering and am inspired by their resilience. I am awed by their determined use of non-violent strategies as they struggle to ensure a different future for us all. I hope someday to see their smiling faces and their triumphs on a TIME cover...
The TIME article suggests that the United States must maintain its military forces in Afghanistan to protect Afghan women from the Taliban. I am painfully aware of the conditions facing Afghans who live on less than $2 per day in midst of violence, yet I am unable to stomach this flimsy justification for more war, occupation, and militarization. Guns, soldiers and military presence do not increase security. To the contrary, they lead to less personal and bodily freedom for women and girls.
This is clear to the parents of the 12-year-old Okinawan girl who was raped by a navy seaman and two U.S. marines in 1995. It is clear to women survivors of rape by UN "peacekeepers." Closer to home, it is clear to the families of the three female soldiers who were murdered by their military husbands or boyfriends in Fort Bragg, North Carolina. The North Carolina Observer editorial put it squarely: "It's an old argument. We train men, and now women, to wage war, then we are baffled when they do that to each other."
Aisha's suffering is not simply related to the Taliban. There are women in countries on every continent who have been beaten, sold, raped, and mutilated in the name of honor, religion, and tradition. Aisha's noseless face should not be used as a symbol of Taliban resurgence -- instead, it is the face of modern day patriarchy, which continues to dominate social and cultural systems in most parts of the world. It is deeply woven into the fabric of societies that extol violence and patriotism.
Aisha was brutally abused in 2003. U.S. soldiers were already in Afghanistan. Their presence did not prevent her abuse. Last year, the U.S. government supported an initiative that tripled the number of soldiers in the army of the Democratic Republic of Congo to 60,000. Rapes of women tripled in the areas soldiers were deployed. There is an obvious connection between violence against women and militarization.
If the intent of TIME magazine and organizations like Women for Afghan Women was to illuminate the taboo topic of violence against women with this picture -- I am all for it. If it ignites a public debate about the silent ongoing war that patriarchy wages against girls and women in their homes, at work places, on the streets, and on army bases -- bring it on. If this cover helps us advocate for a U.S. foreign policy that places the dignity and humanity of women at its core -- I will be the first to celebrate.
If this country is serious about addressing the root causes of Aisha's disfigurement -- let it make a commitment to non-violence and respect for women a key component of its domestic and foreign policy. Let it help train armies of nurses, teachers, and agricultural workers in Afghanistan. Let it invest in diplomacy and decrease its unmatched military expenditure -- currently more than the rest of the world combined. Let it say to its client states, whether Israel, Iraq, or Saudi Arabia, "we will stop providing military aid, if we do not see clear evidence that you are moving to address gender violence and discrimination in your societies." Let the Senate immediately ratify Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) -- the UN Bill of Rights for women. Let the U.S. lead by realizing women's rights at home before it invades other nations where it can moralize about "tribal" practices.
Aisha has just arrived in the US to receive medical treatment that I hope is a success. I wish there were medical interventions that could change the mindsets of those who continue to believe violence is the only answer to violence
Kavita N. Ramdas is the President and CEO of the Global Fund for Women.
Sunday, August 8, 2010
كيفما تكونوا يولى عليكم
كيفما تكونوا يولى عليكم
بقلم- راشد الراشد - كاتب بحريني
قصة طريفة تعكس ما تعكس من حجم ما وصلت إليه الأمور في عقولنا التي أختلط عليها المعقول باللامعقول في عالم المناكافات والمماحكات السياسية ، فنهرول في الإتجاهات فقط التي يريد أهل الحكم والسلطة لنا أن نهرول ناحيتها حتى ولو كان على حساب آدميتنا وكرامتنا ، ونحن أشبه بالموات فنشييد عروشا للطغيان بغض الطرف عن طغيانهم وظلمهم وعسفهم وجورهم وذلك عبر دعم مشاريعهم في السيطرة وتمكينهم من ممارسة المزيد من الإذلال والتهميش والإقصاء ، ثم يدعونا المستبد لمؤازرته في الدخول في إطار سلطته المستبدة ، فنهرول مسرعين إلى ذلك وعلى جماجم فلاذات أكبادنا الذين راحو ضحية الدفاع عن حريتنا وكرامتنا ودون أن نحدث أنفسنا عن مسؤوليتنا تجاه ذلك . ونعطي للحاكم الظالم الشرعية ونهبها له صاغرين مذعنين وكأنها مشيئة الخالق وأنه قدرنا الذي يجب أن نرخي له أعراضنا ونوامسينا وكرامتنا وشرفنا لكي يدوسه الحاكم الظالم والطاغوت المتعجرف علنا وجهارا وعلى مرأى منا ثم المطلوب منا هو مباركته عبر الدخول في نظامه السياسي بالطريقة التي يريدها هو لتدعيم عرشه وتكريس سلطانه علينا . فنبتهل إلى الله بقبول الطاعات ونحن نعطي للحاكم الظالم المستبد الشرعية على ظلمنا واستعبادنا واستحمارنا وإذلالنا وإهانتنا في كل لحظة وعند كل زاوية في حياتنا ...
وهذه هي القصة .
تبدأ القصة في زاوية قصية .. وبعيد عن أعين الإعلام ... حيث كان الجزار يحد سكينه ويجهز كلاليبه ... في تلك اللحظة كانت الخراف في الزريبة تعيش وتاكل وتشرب وكأنها قد جاءت الى تلك الزريبة بضمان الخلود.
دخل الجزار فجأة الى وسط الزريبة فأدركت "الخرفان" بحسها الفطري أن الموت قادم لامحالة. وقع الاختيار على احد الخراف .. وأمسك الجزار بقرنيه يسحبه الى خارج الزريبة ... ولكن ذلك الكبش كان فتيا في السن ذو بنية قوية وجسما ممتلئا وقرنين قويين ... وقد شعر برهبة الحدث .. وجبن الموقف ..وهو يقاد الى الموت ... فنسي الوصية رقم واحد من دستور القطيع ... وهي بالمناسبة الوصية الوحيدة في ذلك الدستور ... وكان قد سمع تلك الوصية قبل ساعات من كبار الخرفان في الزريبة .... وكانت الوصية تقول :- حينما تقع عليك اختيار الجزار فلا تقاوم فهذا لن ينفعك بل سيغضب منك الجزار ويعرض حياتك وحياة افراد القطيع الآخرين للخطر!!!
قال هذا الكبش في نفسه : هذه وصية باطلة ودستور غبي لاينطلي حتى على قطيع الخنازير ..فكيف بنا نحن الخراف ونحن أشرف وأطهر..... فاذا كانت مقاومتي لن تنفعني في هذا الموقف... فلا أعتقد انها ستضرني... اما قولهم ان مقاومتي ستغضب الجزار وقد يقتل جميع الخرفان ...فهذا من الغباء... فما جاء بنا هذا الجزار الى هذه الزريبة الا وقد أعد عدته ورسم خطته ليذبحنا واحدا بعد الاخر.... فمقاومتي قد تفيد ولكنها بلا شك لن تضر.
انتفض ذلك الكبش انتفاضة الاسد الهصور.... وفاجأ الجزار..... واستطاع ان يهرب من بين يديه ليدخل في وسط القطيع حيث نجح في الافلات من الموت الذي كان ينتظره. لم يكترث الجزار بما حدث كثيرا... فالزريبة مكتظة بالخراف ولاداعي لتضييع الوقت في ملاحقة ذلك الكبش الهارب.....
أمسك الجزار بخروف اخر ولكنه كان مسالما ومستسلما وجره من قرنيه وخرج به من الزريبة... ولم يبد اية مقاومة..... الا صوتا خافتا يودع فيه بقية القطيع. نال ذلك الخروف اعجاب جميع الخرفان في الزريبة... وكانت جميعها تثني عليه بصوت مرتفع وتهتف باسمه... ولم تتوقف عن الهتاف حتى قاطعها صوت الجزار الجهوري وهو يقول: بسم الله والله أكبر.
خيم الصمت على الجميع ....وخاصة بعد ان وصلت رائحة الموت الى الزريبة. ولكنهم سرعان ماعادوا الى اكلهم وشربهم مستسلمين لمصيرهم الذي يرفض أي فكرة لمقاومة الجزار. وهكذا بقيت الخراف في الزريبة تنتظر الموت واحدا بعد الاخر... وفي كل مرة ياتي الجزار ليأخذ احدهم لاتنسى بقية الخراف بان توصيه على الموت على دستور القطيع "لا ثم لا للمقاومه" ...!!
وكان الجزار وتوفيرا للوقت والجهد.... اذا وجد خروفا هادئا مطيعا... فانه يأخذ معه خروفا اخر. وكل مازاد عدد الخراف المستسلمة ... زاد طمع الجزار في أخذ عدد اكبر في المرة الواحدة... حتى وصل به الحال أن يمسك خروفا واحدا بيده وينادي خروفين اخرين او ثلاثة او اكثر لتسير خلف هذا الخروف الى المسلخ ... وتنساق خلف بعضها تحت أهم مادة في الدستور "لا ثم لا للمقاومة" ، وهو يقول: يالها من خراف مسالمة... لم احترم خرافا من قبل قدر ما احترم هذه الخراف ... انها فعلا خراف تستحق الاحترام.
كان الجزار من قبل يتجنب أن يذبح خروفا امام الخراف الاخرى حتى لايثير غضبها وخوفا من أن تقوم تلك الخراف بالقفز من فوق سياج الزريبة والهرب بعيدا... ولكنه حينما رأى استسلامها المطلق .. أدرك أنه كان يكلف نفسه فوق طاقته... وان خرافه تلك تملك من القناعة بمصيرها المحتوم ما يمنعها من المطالبة بمزيد من الحقوق... فصار يجمع الخراف بجانب بعضها... ويقوم بحد السكين مرة واحدة فقط ... ثم يقوم بسدحها وذبحها... والاحياء منها تشاهد من سبقت اليهم سكين الجزار... ولكن... كانت الوصية من دستور القطيع تقف حائلا امام أي احد يحاول المقاومة او الهروب... "لا تقاوم"...
في مساء ذلك اليوم وبعد أن تعب الجزار وذهب لاخذ قسط من الراحة ليكمل في الصباح ما بدأه ذلك اليوم ... كان الكبش الشاب قد فكر في طريقة للخروج من زريبة الموت واخراج بقية القطيع معه كانت الخراف تنظر الى الخروف الشاب وهو ينطح سياج الزريبة الخشبي مندهشة من جرأته وتهوره. لم يكن ذلك الحاجز الخشبي قويا...... فقد كان الجزار يعلم أن خرافه أجبن من أن تحاول الهرب.
وبعد المحاولة وجد الخروف الشاب نفسه خارج الزريبة.... وهو لم يكد يصدق عينيه... صاح في رفاقه داخل الزريبة للخروج والهرب معه قبل أن يطلع الصباح ولكن كانت المفاجأة أنه لم يخرج أحد من القطيع .. وكانت الطامة الكبرى بأن الرفاق كانوا جميعا يشتمون ذلك الكبش ويلعنونه و يرتعدون خوفا من أن يكتشف الجزار ماحدث...
وقف ذلك الكبش الشجاع ينظر الى القطيع..... في انتظار قرارهم الاخير...
تحدث افراد القطيع مع بعضهم في شأن ما اقترحه عليهم ذلك الكبش من الخروج من الزريبة والنجاة بانفسهم من سكين الجزار... وجاء القرار النهائي بالاجماع مخيبا ومفاجئا للكبش الشجاع ... حيث قرروا بالإجماع على عدم الفرار والحكم بالإعدام على الكبش المقاوم لأنه إنتهك دستور "لا للمقاومة" ، فأنهالوا عليه نطحا ورفسا حتى مزقوه إربا إربا وفارقت روحه الحياة ..!
في صباح اليوم التالي .....جاء الجزار الى الزريبة ليكمل عمله... فكانت المفاجأة مذهلة... سياج الزريبة مكسور... ولكن القطيع موجود داخل الزريبة ولم يهرب منه أحد...... ثم كانت المفاجأة الثانية حينما رأى في وسط الزريبة خروفا ميتا... وكان جسده مثخنا بالجراح وكأنه تعرض للنطح... نظر اليه ليعرف حقيقة ماحدث.... صاح الجزار... ياالله ... انه ذلك الكبش القوي الذي هرب مني يوم بالأمس!!!
نظرت الخراف الى الجزار بعيون الامل ونظرات الاعتزاز والفخر بما فعلته مع ذلك الخروف "الارهابي" الذي حاول أن يفسد علاقة الجزار بالقطيع ويعرض حياتهم للخطر! كانت سعادة الجزار أكبر من أن توصف... حتى أنه صار يحدث القطيع بكلمات الاعجاب والثناء وبدأ ينزل عليهم من مكرماته العظام :
أيها القطيع .. كم افتخر بكم وكم يزيد احترامي لكم في كل مرة اتعامل معكم...
ايها الخراف الجميلة ...لدي خبر سعيد سيسركم جميعا... وذلك تقديرا مني لتعاونكم منقطع النظير... أنني وبداية من هذا الصباح... لن أقدم على سحب أي واحد منكم الى المسلخ بالقوة... كما كنت أفعل من قبل... فقد اكتشفت انني كنت قاسيا عليكم وان ذلك يجرح كرامتكم.... وكل ما عليكم أن تفعلونه يا خرافي الاعزاء أن تنظروا الى تلك السكين المعلقة على باب المسلخ... فاذا لم تروها معلقة فهذا يعني أنني أنتظركم داخل المسلخ... فليأت كل واحد منكم بعد الاخر... وإعدكم بأن جلودكم التي سوف نسلخها سوف لن نصدرها للخارج . وفي الختام لا انسى أن اشيد بدستوركم العظيم ...... "لا للمقاومة"...!!!
انتهت القصة وهنا ياتي السؤال : ما هو أصل هذه الخراف ؟
والجواب :
"كيفما تكونوا يولى عليكم" !
http://www.alsanabis.com/index.php?show=art&newsID=6492
لا تشرعوا ولا تشرعنوا للفساد والإستبداد في البحرين
لا "تشرَعوا" ولا "تشرعنوا" للفساد والإستبداد
بقلم: الدكتور راشد الراشد
البحرين
يبدو المشهد السياسي كوميديا بإمتياز بالذات عندما يقرر البعض منا شرعنة الإنتخابات المسخ ويقوم بتعزيز ديمقراطية غير موجودة . لقد كانت آمالنا جميعا معلقة على جدية مشروع الخروج من عنق زجاجة الأوضاع الأمنية الخانقة التي عاشتها بلادنا خلال عقود مديدة ، والإنطلاق من ربقة السجون والتعذيب وصنوف الإنتهاكات إلى فسحة العيش المشترك على تراب هذا الوطن ، إلا أنه بعد مرور زهاء العقد من الزمن على هذه التجربة ، ولكن بلحاظ ما هو قائم على أرض الواقع فإن التجربة لم تورث لنا سوى المثالب والأوجاع وذلك بصورة غير مسبوقة في تاريخنا برمته .فقد أزدادت معدلات الفقر بدرجة قياسية بسبب استراتيجة السلطة في إقصاء "الشيعة" وهم المواطنون الأصليون على تراب هذا الوطن وتهميشهم وإذلالهم عبر مختلف الوسائل والأساليب .مع ملاحظة أن "السنة" الآن ليسوا بأحسن حال مما يعانية "الشيعة" بعد تنفيذ خطة الإحلال للمجنسين التي تضرر بها الوطن برمته بشكل عام ووقع الضرر فيها بصورة أكبر وأخص على "السنة" الذين كانوا في السابق يتمتعون بجميع الإمتيازات على حساب شركائهم في الوطن من "الشيعة" . وتجاوزت ممارسات السلطة حدود المعقول في استراتيجة احلال المواطنين بالمجنسين وتفضيلهم وتقديمهم في الوظائف والخدمات العامة التي تقدمها الدول لرعاياها وذلك على حساب المواطنين أصحاب الأرض والذين لم يعرفوا في تاريخهم وطننا غيره ، وتجاوزت الإنتهاكات السافرة للسلطة أبسط معايير حقوق الآدميين ، وأسقطت بممارساتها في كل الإتجاهات كل المعايير الوطنية والأخلاقية . فيما بدأ المجنسون يمارسون دور الوصاية والمراقبة و"التأديب" و "التعليم" لأبناء هذا الوطن .بينما أصبح "الفساد" بإمتياز سمة بارزة للسلطة .. ووصلت إلى حد اسقاطها لأية معايير آدمية وأخلاقية في الإستحواذ والإستئثار بمقدرات هذا البلد وخيراته وثرواته وهي تقوم جهارا بتوظيف السلطة وقوة نفوذها لا من أجل رعاية مصالح هذا الوطن وإنما جعل الدولة بأكملها مصدرا من مصادر الثراء والسيطرة والإستئثار المطلق بالحكم .وضاقت الجزيرة بما رحبت وأصبحت تأن تحت سطوة "المتنفذين" وجشعهم ، فإنهم لم يبقوا برا ولا بحرا . وأصبحت جزيرتنا الغنية بسواحلها أشبه بالأراضي القفار في وسط الصحراء فلا سواحل ولا أراضي تملكها الدولة . بينما أصبح التمييز الطائفي سمة وميزة فاضحة في التوظيف وسائر المميزات ، ولا أجد ما يسعفني في قواميس اللغة ما يصف حالة التمييز الحاصلة في العقد الأخير بين المجنسين من جهة والمواطنين الأصليين من "السنة" ، فهذا نوع جديد من التمييز ، يأتي هذه المرة ليس على الأساس الطائفي وإنما على أساس آخر ربما لايفقهه إلا الذين قاموا بالتخطيط والتنفيذ لهذه الإستراتيجية المدمرة للوطن . وأجزم بأنه أساس تدمير هذا الوطن والقضاء على أركان وجوده .وبينما تقوم السلطة بكل ذلك .. وتعمد إلى الإقصاء والتهميش .. أصيبت المعارضة بنكسة صحية أفقدتها توازنها ، وبدأت تتحدث عن الإنتخابات والمشاركة فيها وكأننا أمام ديمقراطية حقيقية وسلطة نزيهة . والحقيقة إن المشاركة في ظل أوضاع تتسم بما هو قائم على أرض الواقع وبما تصدقه الأرقام من فساد وتهميش وإقصاء ، بالإضافة إلى إحتكار السلطة بهذا الشكل المريع والذي لا يوجد له في العالم مثيل أو نظير والإستفراد المطلق بالحكم والإستئثار بموارد هذه الوطن والتحكم في البلاد والعباد بهذه الصورة المثيرة للإشمئزاز والغثيان ، هو خطأ وخطيئة .فليس من المنطقي أن نواصل دعم ومساندة مشروع يكرس حالة الطغيان والإستفراد بالسلطة ويعزز كوننا حفنة من العبيد أو قطيع من الخراف والأغنام ..كما ليس من المنطقي المشاركة في سلطة تقوم برصد الميزانيات الضخمة لتحطيمنا وتجلب لنا المرتزقة من أراذل الخلق لإذلالنا ثم نسعى بصورة فانتازية وكوميديانية لنصدق بأن هناك ديمقراطية ومشاركة ومواطنة .إن التهافت للمشاركة في الإنتخابات لدعم العملية السياسية وهي متنمرة في إقصائنا وتهميشنا وإذلالنا هو مشاركة في وزر ما يحدث . إن بيع الوهم على الناس من خلال جرعات تخدير متعاقبة يكسب أهل السلطة الوقت ليس إلا ، ويهديها كل الإمكانات لحرق ما تبقى من رماد هذا الوطن .ليس من المنطقي أن نواصل هذا التفكير والعبث بحاضر ومستقبل هذا الوطن بالمزيد من الهروب الى الأمام بدل إتخاذ موقف مسؤول يساعدنا على تقوية مواقفنا تجاه الإستحقاقات الوطنية . إن الخطر الحقيقي الذي يكمن وراء المشاركة في ظل الأوضاع الراهنة الحاكمة هو الشرعنة .. وبما يعني تمكين السلطة من الإستمرار في نهجها وتكريس الحالة الراهنة كديقراطية حقيقية بالأمر الواقع .كلنا يتطلع إلى المشاركة ولكن عندما تكون عنوانا لواقع قائم ، أما عندما يكون مجرد عنوان أو لون لتغطية الإستبداد والطغيان فإن المشاركة ستكون حوبا كبيرا . ولا سبيل هنا لإقناعنا بديمقراطية ليست موجودة .. وكفى بيعا للأوهام ...إننا كشعب لازلنا لم نفقد القدرة على وضع الخطط البديلة إزاء تعنت السلطة ولفرض إصلاحات وتغييرات حقيقية وليست ديكورية لتجميل وجه السلطة .وهنا نقول إن مجرد حسن النوايا لم تؤدي بهذا الوطن إلا إلى المزيد من التهميش والإقصاء والفساد .. وهذه حقيقة قائمة على أرض الواقع نلمسها جميعا . ولا داعي للمكابرة بشأن نقيضها . فالوطن يأن تحت وطأت فساد كبير وإحتكار مفرط للسلطة والجميع يعلم بأن "الوطن والمواطن" هو الغائب الأكبر من أجندة السلطة الحالية فغاية من هم في السلطة إمتيازات الحكم ليس إلا .ونضيف على ذلك بأن السلطة لا تعاملنا كمواطنين لنا حقوق المواطنة وإلا لما جلبت لنا المرتزقة من أراذل الخلق لتجعلهم علينا سادة وقادة ومعلمين . وأي ذل أكبر من هذا . وهل نكافئها على ذلك بالمشاركة وإعطاء شرعية لممارستها الظالمة في إقصائنا وتهميشنا وفوق ذلك إذلالنا .فلا تشرعوا ولا تشرعنوا إستمرار هذا العيب وإلا تحملتم وزر كل ما يجري ..وتذكروا قول الباري عزوجل: "ولا تركنوا إلى الذين ظلموا فتمسكم النار" الآية .وأخيرا سلام عليك سيدي ولك علينا حق الإعتذار فربما نسينا أو تناسينا أعظم وأنبل ما فيك ، فقد أشحنا بنظرنا عن نداءاتك للإنسانية والتاريخ وأنت تعلن عن موقفك بكل وضوح عندما طلب منك شرعنة نظام آل زياد : "والله لا أعطيكم بيدي أعطاء الذليل ولا أقر لكم إقرار العبيد " .ولك العذر سيدي مرة أخرى عندما حولنا كل تطلعاتك في عاشوراء إلى مجرد هتافات شكلية بعيدة عن الحياة لا طعم لها ولا لون .. فقد أردت أن تبعث فينا الحياة ولكننا أبينا إلا أننا نعيش الذل والضيم والهوان بينما نردد شعاراتك ليل نهار وأنت تعلمنا درسا كلفته كانت دماؤك الزكية الطاهرة ، وقد استرخصنا دمك عندما اكتفينا بالإحتفاء بك في المهرجانات .
هل يحمينا الإذعان من الظلم ؟
هل يحمينا الإذعان مـن الظلـم
يحكى أن فلاحا أجيرا أصاب ثروة طائلة فاشترى قاربا كبيرا (من النوع الذى يسمونه فى الريف «ذهبية») ثم ارتدى ثيابا أنيقة غالية الثمن وجلس فى الذهبية وهى تنساب على سطح النيل، عندئذ رآه صاحب الأرض التى يعمل فيها وكان رجلا متغطرسا قاسى القلب، فأمر عماله الذين هجموا على الذهبية وقبضوا على الفلاح وأحضروه أمام صاحب الأرض ودار بينهما الحوار التالى: ــ صاحب الأرض: منذ متى كان الفلاح يركب ذهبية جديدة؟! الفلاح: هذه النعمة من رحمتك وعدلك وإحسانك يا سيدى. وهذا شىء يسركم يا سيدى لأنه من فضلك ومن خيرك. ــ صاحب الأرض: كيف يجوز للفلاحين أن يتشبهوا بأسيادهم ويركبوا ذهبيات؟ الفلاح: معاذ الله أن أتشبه بأسيادى فمن أكون؟! أنا عبد من عبيدكم وكل ما أكسبه هو فى النهاية ملك لكم.ــ صاحب الأرض: إذا كنت لا تريد أن تتشبه بنا فلماذا اشتريت ذهبية وركبتها فى النيل كأنك من أسياد البلد؟! أتريد أن يراك الفلاحون فيعتقدون أنك صاحب شأن ومقام؟!الفلاح: أستغفر الله ياسيدى.. إن كنتم ترون فيما فعلته عيبا فأنا أشهد الله ورسوله ألا أعود أبدا إلى ركوب هذه الذهبية. تبت على يديك يا سيدى. أرجوك اقبل توبتى. ــ صاحب الأرض: توبتك مقبولة لكنى سأفعل بك ما يجعلك لا تكرر خطأك بعد ذلك أبدا. ثم أمر صاحب الأرض الخدم فقيدوا الفلاح وسحلوه على الأرض حتى لطخوا ثيابه الجديدة بالوحل ومزقوها ثم أخذوا يضربونه حتى سال الدم من ركبتيه ورجليه وظهره.. بينما صاحب الأرض يضحك ويردد: هكذا لن تنسى أبدا مقامك الوضيع يا فلاح. هذه الواقعة حدثت بالفعل فى واحدة من قرى مصر فى مطلع القرن العشرين، وقد حكاها الكاتب الكبير أحمد أمين فى كتابه الرائع «قاموس العادات والتقاليد المصرية» (الصادر عن دار الشروق).. وهى تعكس فى رأيى نمطا شائعا من العلاقة بين المستبد وضحاياه.. فهذا الفلاح كان يدرك بلا شك أن من حقه أن يركب الذهبية لأنه اشتراها من حر ماله ومن حقه أيضا أن يرتدى ما شاء من ثياب.كان الفلاح يدرك أنه لم يرتكب أى خطأ لكنه رأى من الحكمة أن يعتذر لصاحب الأرض ويعلن توبته عن ذنب لم يقترفه. لقد بالغ الفلاح فى إذلال نفسه حتى يفلت من الظلم ولكنه بعدما أهدر كرامته تماما تلقى نصيبه من الضرب والسحل والمهانة.. وهكذا نرى أن الإذعان لم يمنع عنه الظلم ولو أنه وقف بشجاعة أمام صاحب الأرض ليدافع عن حقه فى أن يعامل كإنسان لكان على الأقل احتفظ بكرامته ولما أصابه من شجاعته أسوأ مما أصابه بإذعانه.هذا المعنى أتذكره وأنا أتابع ما يحدث فى مصر هذه الأيام. فقد نشأت أجيال من المصريين على اعتقاد راسخ بأن الاذعان للظلم هو قمة الحكمة وأن الانحناء والتذلل لصاحب السلطة خير وسيلة لاتقاء شروره.. اعتقد المصريون طويلا ان الاعتراض على نظام الاستبداد ليس الا حماقة لن تغير الأوضاع إلى الأحسن أبدا، كما أنها كفيلة بإضاعة مستقبل كل من يقاوم الظلم واعتقاله وتعذيبه وربما قتله.اعتقد المصريون أن التعايش مع الحاكم الظالم سينجيهم من شره واطمأنوا إلى أن آلة القمع الجبارة التى يملكها النظام لا تتحرك أبدا إلا لتسحق من يعترض عليها أما من ينحنى ويذعن وينصرف إلى أكل عيشه وتربية أولاده فلن يصيبه النظام بضرر أبدا بل انه سيحميه ويرعاه. لكنهم ينتبهون الآن، ربما لأول مرة خلال عقود، إلى حقيقة أن الاذعان والسكوت عن الحق والتذلل للظالمين، كل ذلك لا يمنع الظلم أبدا بل كثيرا ما يضاعفه.ان الشاب خالد محمد سعيد من مدينة الإسكندرية لم يكن له أى نشاط عام، لم يكن عضوا فى أى جبهة أو حركة تستهدف تغيير النظام بل لعله لم يشترك فى مظاهرة فى حياته. كان خالد شابا مصريا مسالما تماما، يحلم مثل ملايين المصريين بأن يهرب بأى طريقة من وطنه الظالم إلى أى بلد يعيش فيه بحرية وكرامة.كان ينتظر حصوله على جواز سفر أمريكى مثل اخوته ليترك مصر إلى الأبد. وفى ذلك المساء توجه إلى مقهى للإنترنت ليقضى بعض الوقت كما يفعل ملايين الناس. لم يرتكب جريمة ولم يخالف القانون لكنه ما إن دخل إلى المقهى حتى انقض عليه اثنان من المخبرين وبدون كلمة واحدة، راحا يضربانه ببشاعة ويخبطان رأسه فى حافة المائدة الرخامية بكل ما يملكانه من قوة ثم سحلاه إلى خارج المقهى ودخلا به إلى عمارة مجاورة وظلا يضربانه ويخبطان رأسه فى بوابة العمارة الحديدية حتى تحقق لهما ما أرادا.فقد تهشمت جمجمة خالد ومات بين أيديهما وبغض النظر عن السبب الحقيقى وراء هذه المجزرة البشعة وبغض النظر أيضا عن البيانات المتلاحقة من وزارة الداخلية لتفسير الجريمة، التى تبين أنها كلها غير صحيحة.. فإن المغزى الواضح لهذه المجزرة ان الاذعان لم يعد كافيا لحماية المصريين من القمع. لقد تم ضرب خالد سعيد بنفس الطريقة التى يتم بها ضرب الشبان المتظاهرين من أجل الحرية. لا فرق. لم يعد القمع فى مصر يفرق بين المتظاهرين والمعتصمين وبين الجالسين على المقاهى والنائمين فى بيوتهم.ان قتل خالد سعيد بهذه البشاعة وإفلات القتلة من العقاب يدل ببساطة على أن أى ضابط شرطة أو حتى أى مخبر يستطيع أن يقتل من يشاء من المواطنين ولسوف تتحرك أجهزة الاستبداد فورا لتبرئة القاتل بوسائل كثيرة وفعالة فى ظل قانون الطوارئ وعدم استقلال القضاء عن رئاسة الدولة.ان ملايين المصريين الذين بكوا عندما رأوا صورة خالد سعيد وقد تهشمت جمجمته وتناثرت أسنانه وتمزق وجهه من أثر المذبحة، كانوا يبكون ليس فقط تعاطفا مع الشهيد وأمه المسكينة وإنما لأنهم تخيلوا أن وجوه أولادهم قد تكون غدا مكان صورة خالد سعيد. ولعل صورة شهادة الخدمة العسكرية لخالد سعيد المنشورة فى الصحف بجوار صورة جثته المشوهة تعكس الحقيقة المحزنة: ان مصر صارت تفعل بأبنائها ما لم يفعله الأعداء. ان مصير خالد سعيد قد يحدث لأى مصرى بل انه حدث بالفعل لمئات الآلاف من المصريين: فالذين غرقوا فى عبارات الموت والذين انهارت على رءوسهم العمارات بسبب التراخيص الفاسدة ومواد البناء المغشوشة والذين ماتوا من أمراض إصابتهم من الأغذية الفاسدة التى استوردها الكبار والمنتحرون يأسا من المستقبل والشبان الجامعيون الذين حاولوا الهروب لينظفوا المراحيض فى أوروبا فسقطت بهم قوارب الموت وغرقوا..كل هؤلاء كانوا مواطنين مسالمين تماما ولم يدر بأذهانهم قط أن يقاوموا الاستبداد لكنهم اعتقدوا، تماما مثل الفلاح فى الحكاية، أن باستطاعتهم أن يتعايشوا مع الظلم وينحنوا أمام الظالم ثم ينشئوا عالمهم الصغير الآمن لهم وأولادهم، لكنهم جميعا فقدوا حياتهم بسبب النظام الذى خافوا من مواجهته. أى أن ما حدث لهم جراء الاذعان والخضوع هو بالضبط ما كانوا يخشون وقوعه إذا احتجوا وثاروا.. ان حالة الاحتجاجات الشاملة التى تجتاح مصر الآن من أقصاها إلى أقصاها، تعود بالأساس إلى أن حياة ملايين الفقراء التى كانت صعبة أصبحت مستحيلة، لكن السبب الأهم لهذا الاحتجاج العنيف ادراك المصريين أن السكوت عن الحق لن يحميهم من الظلم.. لقد جرب المصريون طريقة الحل الفردى على مدى ثلاثين عاما..فكان المصرى يهرب من جحيم بلاده إلى دول الخليج حيث كثيرا ما يتحمل نوعا جديدا من الاذلال والقهر ويعود بعد سنوات ببعض المال يمكنه من الحياة المريحة بعيدا عن السياق العام لمعاناة المصريين. هذه الحلول الفردية لم تعد تجدى وأصبح المصريون محاصرين فى بلادهم. وقد أدركوا أخيرا الدرس الذى لم يفهمه الفلاح فى الحكاية، ان عواقب الشجاعة ليست أبدا أسوأ من عواقب الخوف وأن الوسيلة الوحيدة للنجاة من الحاكم الظالم هى مواجهته بكل ما نملك من قوة.
الديمقراطية هى الحل
يونيو 2010 23:09
Saturday, June 12, 2010
(FIDH) Open Letter in view of the EU-GCC Joint Co-operation Council
International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)OPEN LETTER
Open letter in view of the EU-GCC Joint Co-operation Council
Paris-Brussels, 11 June 2010
On the eve of the EU-GCC Joint Co-operation Council to be held on the 14th of June 2010, the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) calls upon the EU and GCC Ministers to put human rights at the centre of their relations in all fields and at all levels.FIDH takes note of the recent developments in the negotiations of an EU-GCC Free-Trade Agreement (FTA) and particularly welcomes the announcement of the inclusion of a reference to human rights in the FTA. In this regard, FIDH insists on the essential inclusion of a « human rights clause » in the negotiated Free Trade Agreement and recalls that the European Parliament adopted a Resolution in April 2008 pertaining to the EU-GCC FTA in which it « stresses that enforceable human rights clauses are an essential part of an FTA with any country or region and should be included in the agreements as a suspension clause ». At the end of the last EU-GCC Joint Co-operation Council held in April 2009, both parties “reaffirmed that they share the universal values of respect for human rights and democratic principles, which form an essential element of their relations.(...) [and] reiterated their continued commitment to the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms”. However FIDH remains concerned about the general pattern of human rights violations in the GCC countries. Since the last EU-GCC Joint Co-operation Council held in April 2009, few steps were taken by the authorities of the GCC countries to improve the enjoyment of human rights on their territory. FIDH therefore urges once more both parties to give specific attention to the following priorities:
Inclusion of a human rights clause in the negotiated EU-GCC Free Trade Agreement
Adopting concrete measures to protect the rights of migrant workers;
Adopting concrete measures to protect women's rights and to promote equality between men and women;
Taking effective measures to improve the enjoyment of the freedom of association and the situation of Human Rights Defenders in GCC countries;
Taking action to guarantee freedom of opinion and expression;
Taking effective measures to guarantee non-discrimination on a religious or sectarian basis
Committing to improve the overall situation of human rights in GCC countries.
Inclusion of a human rights clause in the negotiated EU-GCC Free Trade Agreement Both parties should comply with their previous commitments and insert a human rights clause in the agreement as an essential element. This human rights clause should be implemented at all stages of the EU-GCC political dialogue. As a first step, the parties should set up a common strategy for the practical implementation of their joint commitments in this field. Taking into account that the human rights situation differs significantly from one GCC country to another, FIDH recommends that the EU set up concrete tools for monitoring the human rights situation and its evolution within the EU-GCC political dialogue and in particular,
Systematically puts human rights concerns on the agenda of bilateral political dialogues at all levels;
Systematically assesses the situation of human rights on the basis of UN special procedures and human rights NGOs reports;
Establishes concrete benchmarks in order to monitor regularly the implementation of commitments and efforts undertaken by both parties;
Holds systematic consultations with EU and GCC independent human rights NGOs ahead of official meetings in order to take into account their assessment of the human rights’ situation in situ and thus update the monitoring process.
Protecting migrant workers' rights, especially domestic workersThe GCC States remain an important magnet for migrant workers and these categories continue to suffer from specific discrimination. FIDH is concerned about the challenges faced by migrant workers in the GCC countries, such as the substitution of employment contracts, premature termination, excessive working hours, poor working conditions, and so on. They also face trafficking and forced labour, and sometimes visa trafficking. The right to organize and join trade unions and other associations is generally not recognized for migrants. Furthermore, despite several improvements in particular in Bahrain and Kuwait and announcements in Qatar and Saudi Arabia, there is generally no legislation protecting the rights of migrant domestic workers, although domestic work is one of the most important categories of employment for migrants. Shocking rates of suicide of migrant workers have been reported in the last months, most of these cases concerned foreign domestic workers. Their situation has to be addressed urgently in all GCC countries to improve their working and living conditions, and to prohibit any discrimination against them. → FIDH calls upon the GCC to better protect labour rights for all by amending labour laws and making them consistent with international human rights standards, to adopt legislation on domestic workers, in accordance with international standards and to reform the sponsorship system. In this regard, FIDH urges the EU and the GCC States to ratify and implement the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Their Families. Promoting equality between men and womenDespite significant progress, in particular in terms of economic opportunities, educational attainment and political participation, a substantial lack of women’s rights persists in every country in the Gulf region. Even though women usually have political rights, they still face discrimination under the law. Islamic law and traditions have discriminating aspects towards women. Indeed they do not enjoy same rights as men under family law, property law and in the judicial system (e.g. Inheritance or transmission of nationality to spouse or children). In all GCC countries, spousal rape is not criminalised. In Qatar, women victim of rape are also punished along with the perpetrator because they are considered as being at fault. But even if in other GCC countries rape is criminalised, under-reporting is systematic due to fear of social stigma considering the cultural and societal influences. Also, in cases of rape or other crimes against women reported to the police, the perpetrators commonly enjoy impunity. Domestic violence is often not addressed as such by law in GCC countries, as well as sexual harassment which is not prohibited in most GCC countries. → FIDH calls upon the GCC countries to promote equality between men and women in all fields. As equality between men and women is an essential issue promoted by and within the EU, the EU should also discuss this important question in its relations with third countries in order to increase the coherence of its internal and external policies. Improving the situation of Human Rights Defenders and their right to freedom of associationThe role of an independent civil society in assessing and monitoring the human rights situation at national level is essential. Restrictions on the right to freedom of association constitute a major obstacle to an independent civil society and put civil society representatives at risk of repression and arbitrary measures. In the GCC countries, freedom of association often remains limited and sometimes, such as in Saudi Arabia, forbidden. → Promoting the right to freedom of association and ensuring the compatibility of national laws and practice with international human rights and labour standards should be a key issue of the EU-GCC political dialogue.Also, Human Rights Defenders (HRDs) continue to be victims of harassment, travel bans, detention, prosecution under false charges and even in some cases torture under interrogation. Cases of excessive use of force by the authorities have been reported during demonstrations and peaceful protests in various GCC countries.Furthermore, restrictions to freedom of assembly are also imposed on human rights organisations as they are prevented from organising conferences and workshops. The authorities of various GCC countries also used the obligation for NGOs to register as a tool to control the organisations' activities as well as to impede them from carrying out their activities due to long bureaucratic registration procedures. Any organisation not registered is considered as carrying out illegal activities. In some GCC countries (e.g. Oman and Saudi Arabia), independent human rights organisations are even not allowed to operate within the country.→ HRDs are key actors for an independent monitoring of the human rights situation. Repressive measures against them are widespread in several GCC countries. Therefore, the EU must increase its support for Human Rights Defenders in GCC countries, in accordance with the operational chapter of the Council Guidelines on HRDs.Taking action to guarantee freedom of opinion and expressionFreedom of expression, especially of the media, is the basis for democracy. It is essential for citizens to have access to free and pluralistic information. Nevertheless, freedom of expression is very much restricted in most of the GCC countries. The Constitutions and press laws in GCC countries and their interpretation by courts restrict freedom of speech and the press. Criticising Islam or the government is easily considered as being a criminal offence for which people can be fined and imprisoned. Almost all press (written press, radio, tv) is directly or indirectly controlled by the authorities. In various GCC countries, the government actually owns radio and television stations to control the information disclosed. Harassment, censorship, prosecution, fining and imprisonment of news media professionals in order to control the information is systematic. Internet, as all other forms of media, is monitored by the authorities, and controversial websites are blocked. Many bloggers run the risk of being arrested and having their websites banned. → FIDH calls upon the GCC countries to take steps to put their legislation on freedom of speech and press in line with international standards and to stop harassing journalists and other news media professionals. Putting an end to religious and sectarian discriminationsDiscrimination based on religion or belief has an important impact on the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights, particularly with regard to members of religious minorities and other persons in vulnerable situations. Indeed, everyone should have the right to education, to work or to take part in cultural life without any discrimination on the basis of religion or belief. Most of GCC States often try to put a disadvantage or to ban other religions in practice or in their legislation. In some GCC countries, the fact to believe in another religion is punished by severe sanctions, up to death penalty. For instance in Saudi Arabia: the fact for an ancient muslim to declare himself atheist is punishable of death penalty by beheading. → FIDH calls upon the GCC countries to take steps to guarantee non-discrimination on grounds of religion, belief and ethnicity, and to achieve effective implementation of the relevant international standards and in particular, the provisions of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination ratified by all GCC states.Committing to improve the general situation of human rights in GCC countriesIn addition to these specific concerns, FIDH remains concerned about the general pattern of human rights violations. The non-ratification by four of the six GCC member States of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and a generally weak cooperation with the United Nations mechanisms do not show a strong commitment towards the protection and respect of human rights. FIDH considers that the ratification of the international human rights instruments should be a key issue in the EU-GCC dialogue taking place next week.As the human rights situation varies strongly from one GCC member State to another, FIDH insists on the imperative need to systematically assess the situation of human rights and put human rights concerns on the agenda of bilateral political dialogues at all levels.
Press Contacts :FIDH : Karine Appy/Fabien Maitre + 33 1 43 55 14 12 / + 33 1 43 55 90 19
Open letter in view of the EU-GCC Joint Co-operation Council
Paris-Brussels, 11 June 2010
On the eve of the EU-GCC Joint Co-operation Council to be held on the 14th of June 2010, the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) calls upon the EU and GCC Ministers to put human rights at the centre of their relations in all fields and at all levels.FIDH takes note of the recent developments in the negotiations of an EU-GCC Free-Trade Agreement (FTA) and particularly welcomes the announcement of the inclusion of a reference to human rights in the FTA. In this regard, FIDH insists on the essential inclusion of a « human rights clause » in the negotiated Free Trade Agreement and recalls that the European Parliament adopted a Resolution in April 2008 pertaining to the EU-GCC FTA in which it « stresses that enforceable human rights clauses are an essential part of an FTA with any country or region and should be included in the agreements as a suspension clause ». At the end of the last EU-GCC Joint Co-operation Council held in April 2009, both parties “reaffirmed that they share the universal values of respect for human rights and democratic principles, which form an essential element of their relations.(...) [and] reiterated their continued commitment to the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms”. However FIDH remains concerned about the general pattern of human rights violations in the GCC countries. Since the last EU-GCC Joint Co-operation Council held in April 2009, few steps were taken by the authorities of the GCC countries to improve the enjoyment of human rights on their territory. FIDH therefore urges once more both parties to give specific attention to the following priorities:
Inclusion of a human rights clause in the negotiated EU-GCC Free Trade Agreement
Adopting concrete measures to protect the rights of migrant workers;
Adopting concrete measures to protect women's rights and to promote equality between men and women;
Taking effective measures to improve the enjoyment of the freedom of association and the situation of Human Rights Defenders in GCC countries;
Taking action to guarantee freedom of opinion and expression;
Taking effective measures to guarantee non-discrimination on a religious or sectarian basis
Committing to improve the overall situation of human rights in GCC countries.
Inclusion of a human rights clause in the negotiated EU-GCC Free Trade Agreement Both parties should comply with their previous commitments and insert a human rights clause in the agreement as an essential element. This human rights clause should be implemented at all stages of the EU-GCC political dialogue. As a first step, the parties should set up a common strategy for the practical implementation of their joint commitments in this field. Taking into account that the human rights situation differs significantly from one GCC country to another, FIDH recommends that the EU set up concrete tools for monitoring the human rights situation and its evolution within the EU-GCC political dialogue and in particular,
Systematically puts human rights concerns on the agenda of bilateral political dialogues at all levels;
Systematically assesses the situation of human rights on the basis of UN special procedures and human rights NGOs reports;
Establishes concrete benchmarks in order to monitor regularly the implementation of commitments and efforts undertaken by both parties;
Holds systematic consultations with EU and GCC independent human rights NGOs ahead of official meetings in order to take into account their assessment of the human rights’ situation in situ and thus update the monitoring process.
Protecting migrant workers' rights, especially domestic workersThe GCC States remain an important magnet for migrant workers and these categories continue to suffer from specific discrimination. FIDH is concerned about the challenges faced by migrant workers in the GCC countries, such as the substitution of employment contracts, premature termination, excessive working hours, poor working conditions, and so on. They also face trafficking and forced labour, and sometimes visa trafficking. The right to organize and join trade unions and other associations is generally not recognized for migrants. Furthermore, despite several improvements in particular in Bahrain and Kuwait and announcements in Qatar and Saudi Arabia, there is generally no legislation protecting the rights of migrant domestic workers, although domestic work is one of the most important categories of employment for migrants. Shocking rates of suicide of migrant workers have been reported in the last months, most of these cases concerned foreign domestic workers. Their situation has to be addressed urgently in all GCC countries to improve their working and living conditions, and to prohibit any discrimination against them. → FIDH calls upon the GCC to better protect labour rights for all by amending labour laws and making them consistent with international human rights standards, to adopt legislation on domestic workers, in accordance with international standards and to reform the sponsorship system. In this regard, FIDH urges the EU and the GCC States to ratify and implement the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Their Families. Promoting equality between men and womenDespite significant progress, in particular in terms of economic opportunities, educational attainment and political participation, a substantial lack of women’s rights persists in every country in the Gulf region. Even though women usually have political rights, they still face discrimination under the law. Islamic law and traditions have discriminating aspects towards women. Indeed they do not enjoy same rights as men under family law, property law and in the judicial system (e.g. Inheritance or transmission of nationality to spouse or children). In all GCC countries, spousal rape is not criminalised. In Qatar, women victim of rape are also punished along with the perpetrator because they are considered as being at fault. But even if in other GCC countries rape is criminalised, under-reporting is systematic due to fear of social stigma considering the cultural and societal influences. Also, in cases of rape or other crimes against women reported to the police, the perpetrators commonly enjoy impunity. Domestic violence is often not addressed as such by law in GCC countries, as well as sexual harassment which is not prohibited in most GCC countries. → FIDH calls upon the GCC countries to promote equality between men and women in all fields. As equality between men and women is an essential issue promoted by and within the EU, the EU should also discuss this important question in its relations with third countries in order to increase the coherence of its internal and external policies. Improving the situation of Human Rights Defenders and their right to freedom of associationThe role of an independent civil society in assessing and monitoring the human rights situation at national level is essential. Restrictions on the right to freedom of association constitute a major obstacle to an independent civil society and put civil society representatives at risk of repression and arbitrary measures. In the GCC countries, freedom of association often remains limited and sometimes, such as in Saudi Arabia, forbidden. → Promoting the right to freedom of association and ensuring the compatibility of national laws and practice with international human rights and labour standards should be a key issue of the EU-GCC political dialogue.Also, Human Rights Defenders (HRDs) continue to be victims of harassment, travel bans, detention, prosecution under false charges and even in some cases torture under interrogation. Cases of excessive use of force by the authorities have been reported during demonstrations and peaceful protests in various GCC countries.Furthermore, restrictions to freedom of assembly are also imposed on human rights organisations as they are prevented from organising conferences and workshops. The authorities of various GCC countries also used the obligation for NGOs to register as a tool to control the organisations' activities as well as to impede them from carrying out their activities due to long bureaucratic registration procedures. Any organisation not registered is considered as carrying out illegal activities. In some GCC countries (e.g. Oman and Saudi Arabia), independent human rights organisations are even not allowed to operate within the country.→ HRDs are key actors for an independent monitoring of the human rights situation. Repressive measures against them are widespread in several GCC countries. Therefore, the EU must increase its support for Human Rights Defenders in GCC countries, in accordance with the operational chapter of the Council Guidelines on HRDs.Taking action to guarantee freedom of opinion and expressionFreedom of expression, especially of the media, is the basis for democracy. It is essential for citizens to have access to free and pluralistic information. Nevertheless, freedom of expression is very much restricted in most of the GCC countries. The Constitutions and press laws in GCC countries and their interpretation by courts restrict freedom of speech and the press. Criticising Islam or the government is easily considered as being a criminal offence for which people can be fined and imprisoned. Almost all press (written press, radio, tv) is directly or indirectly controlled by the authorities. In various GCC countries, the government actually owns radio and television stations to control the information disclosed. Harassment, censorship, prosecution, fining and imprisonment of news media professionals in order to control the information is systematic. Internet, as all other forms of media, is monitored by the authorities, and controversial websites are blocked. Many bloggers run the risk of being arrested and having their websites banned. → FIDH calls upon the GCC countries to take steps to put their legislation on freedom of speech and press in line with international standards and to stop harassing journalists and other news media professionals. Putting an end to religious and sectarian discriminationsDiscrimination based on religion or belief has an important impact on the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights, particularly with regard to members of religious minorities and other persons in vulnerable situations. Indeed, everyone should have the right to education, to work or to take part in cultural life without any discrimination on the basis of religion or belief. Most of GCC States often try to put a disadvantage or to ban other religions in practice or in their legislation. In some GCC countries, the fact to believe in another religion is punished by severe sanctions, up to death penalty. For instance in Saudi Arabia: the fact for an ancient muslim to declare himself atheist is punishable of death penalty by beheading. → FIDH calls upon the GCC countries to take steps to guarantee non-discrimination on grounds of religion, belief and ethnicity, and to achieve effective implementation of the relevant international standards and in particular, the provisions of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination ratified by all GCC states.Committing to improve the general situation of human rights in GCC countriesIn addition to these specific concerns, FIDH remains concerned about the general pattern of human rights violations. The non-ratification by four of the six GCC member States of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and a generally weak cooperation with the United Nations mechanisms do not show a strong commitment towards the protection and respect of human rights. FIDH considers that the ratification of the international human rights instruments should be a key issue in the EU-GCC dialogue taking place next week.As the human rights situation varies strongly from one GCC member State to another, FIDH insists on the imperative need to systematically assess the situation of human rights and put human rights concerns on the agenda of bilateral political dialogues at all levels.
Press Contacts :FIDH : Karine Appy/Fabien Maitre + 33 1 43 55 14 12 / + 33 1 43 55 90 19
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